It is just a month short of two years since the last Ard-Fheis. Now is a good time to take stock both externally and internally.

Internationally we have had the aggressive war on terrorism waged by USA Imperialism. This has resulted in devastation in Afghanistan with large parts of the countryside back in the hands of drug dealing warlords allies of the USA. There have been the vicious Zionist efforts to crush the Palestinian people. There has been the ongoing death fast in Turkey, the attempts to wipe out trade unionism in Columbia. I could go on detailing country after country where right wing forces attempt to wipe out the left or where religious fundamentalism seeks to sway the masses from radical secular solutions to their problems.

I'm not a good enough economist to give you the economic reasons for what is happening in the world. It has been the stock response of those on the left to trip out the cliché that "capitalism is in crisis" Comrades all my adult life indeed all my chronological life Capitalism has been in crisis. It may well be able to survive extremely well but at what a cost to the world.

I don't pretend to have deep insights in the Marxist analysis of society, but this I do know that unless there is a revolutionary upheaval in the way in which not merely our society is run but also how the whole world is run, then this planet is fucked.

Years ago what was called the 'hard' left looked with disdain on environmental issues as only the concern of quiche eating vegan drop-outs who embraced the alternative life style. Comrades we cannot afford such complacency in the future. Every day working class people die from the poisons in our air in our food in our homes. Socialism should be life affirming, offering a future not merely for our children but passing on the earth to future generations to live long health lives. Unless we take up all the issues that affect our everyday lives then we will be an irrelevance. And unless we can halt the onward march of capitalism the earth we live on is doomed. The survival of the human species must of necessity make us internationalist. If nothing else every so clearly defines the differences between ourselves, the IRSP and other republicans who have capitulated to a narrow sectarian ifluenced nationalism, it must be our internationalism following well in the footsteps of Wolfe Tone and James Connolly.

The Good Friday Agreement

On the MAY 20th 1998 speaking to a meeting of the IRSP in Belfast IRSP spokesperson at the time Kevin McQuillan called for a determined no vote in the referendum.

"The IRSP are opposed to this agreement on a number of grounds.

1/The built-in veto within the proposed assembly at Stormont solidifies the existing sectarian power blocs and gives reactionary politicians the power to prevent, within the remit of the proposed assembly, any radical measures to deal with the economic and social problems that exist in the six counties. The working classes will be pressured into identifying with the two sectarian blocs.

2/Partition itself which was reluctantly imposed by Britain itself in 1920 because of the power of unionism in British politics and which spawned sectarian pogroms, discrimination and death is solidified by this agreement.

3/ The cross border institutions, much heralded as an all Ireland dimension, are in reality existing practice of co-operation tarted up as some wonderful exotic all Ireland creature. Key issues such as policing will be kept from their remit unless it is on the question of suppressing the activities of those who refuse to accept the agreement.

4/Political prisoners will be released on licence and already discrimination is directed against those prisoners who refuse to accept the agreement. The IRSP maintain that in a conflict resolution situation all political prisoners must be released unconditionally.

5/Britain is only reluctantly agreeing to the so-called equality agenda so long as it is tied into the agreement. Human rights transcend shoddy political deals and any progressive elements in the negotiations should have kept the issue of human rights separate from the talks on political institutions.

6/The agreement will not end the violence that has been endemic in the Six-County statlet.

Since 1994 the IRSP has been saying to those willing to listen that the so called peace process was flawed because;

a} It was based on the false premise that the British could be trusted.
b} It was not an inclusive process. Unless all sides of the conflict are heard then the propensity for escalating violence exists.

The reality is of course that this agreement is flawed for republicans and socialists and a bonus for the establishments in Ireland and Britain. It is the British effort to consolidate stability in Ireland. Now as in the 19th century Ireland has provided International Capital with a ready supply of cheap labour. Nowadays the labour is educated, skilled and articulate but still relatively cheap. If in five years time;

a] The employment rate for nationalists is the same as for unionists,
b] The RUC are reformed out of all recognition from today,
c] There are no political prisoners,
d] Full human rights have been established, north and south,
e] And the nationalists of the north no longer fear the sound of marching orange feet in their districts,

Then this leadership of the IRSP will be prepared to say that there was after all some reason for welcoming this agreement."

Now four years on this leadership was and is right. The peace process has collapsed but the political process goes on. We see a need for a revitalised republican agenda that takes its message to the "people of no property".

We are adamant that the only Republic we are interested in is one where the working class have political power and can begin the task of building socialism.

Now let me look at some issues over the past two years.

Sectarianism.

"Those who live in loyalist areas have nothing to fear from the INLA. We pose no threat to the ordinary protestant working class. There have not been nor will there be any threats to any section of protestant workers from the INLA.

"The INLA has in the past proposed a non-aggression pact, a grass roots initiative that would enable working class communities to co-exist side by side with clearly defined ways of negotiating settlements to problems without armed groups intervening. We will talk to anyone on this issue."

The above statements from the INLA were issued at the beginning of the year 2002. However that had been the position of that organisation for a number of years. The record should be put straight. Since before the death of Gino Gallagher the IRSP with the support of the INLA had been trying to make contact with genuine representatives of protestant working class opinion with a view to breaking down those historical barriers that divided us. Those approaches stemmed from the IRSP`s analysis that the then on going peace process would either fail or ultimately benefit only the chattering and monied classes.

Comrades, the Republican Armed struggle had not achieved its goals and there was now a necessity to take a different road. There would always be Loyalists who because of their insecurity, racism and sectarianism would continue killing Catholics. No armed group could adequately defend all nationalist areas. A mobilisation of working class communities towards conflict resolution solutions would not only empower those communities but also less cross community strife. Hence the idea of a non -aggression pact slowly emerged.

The GFA has failed to deliver peace to many working class communities and while the flames of sectarianism have engulf many areas the political classes have done nothing. They have advocated nothing, have stood aloof and allowed those already in poverty and violence to slip further and further into despair.

With all the main armed groups on ceasefire there has been more rather than less sectarianism on the streets. That stems in the main from loyalism but be under no illusions it is also there in nationalist areas. There has been a constant barrage of sectarian attacks on the Catholic population in an attempt to make republicans break cease-fires and so destroy the agreement.

This lie has been perpetuated over the last thirty years that loyalist violence was only reactive to republican violence.. Recently, much of the media have tried to claim that the sectarian attacks are tit for tat and even some of trade union leaders have claimed the same. Recent violence proves the lie of that. 90% has been loyalist driven.

Republicans of all hues are very clear about Loyalism. It is about denying equality, justice and human and civil rights to those not pro-British or unionist. It is about instilling fear into Catholics by the random killing of Catholics.

Loyalist violence has continued despite some concessions gained from the Belfast agreement. The war is over. The IRA has compromised, and surrendered guns. Republicans have apologised for the suffering they caused. Articles two and three have been removed from the Irish constitution, and Sinn Fein are participating in a Stormont assembly as well as running Stormont departments.

But for some in the unionist/loyalist camp this is clearly not enough. Republicans believe that loyalists want all out victory, and a return to pre-1969 style of government a Protestant government for a Protestant people, and second-class citizenship for everyone else. That is what drives the ongoing loyalist violence. Yet the areas affected most by this violence are poverty stricken and poverty does not ask the religion or politics of its victims.

An index of poverty in affected areas shows not one section of the Catholic/Protestant working class communities can claim to be suffering more deprivation than another. The all-pervading influence of the Neo-Liberal economic approach has driven successive Governments policies, which are even now endorsed by the Stormont regime.

The four main parties in the Stormont Executive (UUP, DUP, SDLP, SF) have all being lobbying Westminster to lower corporate tax from 30% to as little as 10%, and are pushing through (PFI, PPP) deals which means the privatising of public services, and putting profit before people.

The impact that the implementation of these policies in working class areas, both catholic and protestant will be devastating with poverty levels rising and housing conditions worsening.

However there is little immediate chance of class differences transcending our sectarian differences.

The Non Aggression Pact. is based on the belief that regardless of the GFA there is continuing fear and distrust in the communities. The IRSP take no pleasure in watching working class communities at each other throats and have pushed the idea to those who were willing to listen.

Our members are active on the ground in defending working class homes from sectarian attack. The INLA have publicly stated that they will use any means necessary to defend working class homes from attack while recognising the sheer impossibility of providing 100% security for any area.

Therefore logic dictates that rather than continue with standoff situations and low level riots involving kids adolescents then grown men and finally armed groups it is better to work out agreements at grass roots level to establish mechanisms that will allow for the defusing of dangerous situations.

The IRSP have talked with trade unionists from all communities, former loyalist prisoners and community groups pushing the validity of the concept of the NAP.

The Non Aggression Pact is about encouraging working class dialogue, co-operation and breaking down barriers. It is about neighbours reaching agreement between themselves without the fear of manipulation by armed groups.

It is a bottom up approach within the control of the people at grass roots level. It is the beginning of working class communities taking control of their lives and playing a part in the positive developments of their community.

Community workers, activists and trade unionists within unionist and nationalist areas can and should play a more active part in their communities without having to pay homage to any group whether armed or political.

The IRSP has a clear unequivocal view of what constitutes the Irish Working Class. It is those who either labour with hand or brain to earn a living, their dependants, those who are unemployed and all those on the margins of economic society. All on the island of Ireland who fit into these categories constitute for us the Irish working class regardless of their origins. We believe in the Marxian concept that labour produces the wealth but is denied its rightful share of that wealth by the capitalist system we live in.

In our constitution we define in Article 3, a Socialist Republic in the following way:

3/ A Socialist Republic would be one based:
a) On democratic principles throughout all aspects of political, social, economic and cultural life and guided by the maxim; from each according to his/ her ability to each according to his/ her needs.
b) On the spirit of workers unity and internationalism and
c) Would be non discriminatory on the grounds of religion, race, nationality, gender or sexual orientation.

In this spirit therefore we view those who constitute what is referred to as the Protestant or loyalist working class as part of the Irish working class but we recognise that that is not their view of themselves. They certainly do not constitute a part of what is called 'The Historic Irish Nation'.

The main legacy of Wolfe Tone and the United Irishmen was the struggle to break the connection with England and to unite all the peoples of the island in a Republic. They established a non-sectarian republican tradition. Some actions taken by Republicans have been more motivated by sectarian hatred than Republican ideology. Regardless of whatever pressures, sectarianism is anti-Republican and a hindrance to the struggle for socialism.

The INLA has said

"We condemn the poor leadership within unionism for allowing the protestant working class to be marginalized by the political process. The rampant sectarian hatred manifested in the attacks on school children is a monument to the gutless leadership within unionism. We call on community leaders trade unionists and activists within the protestant working class to mobilise within that working class and seize the political leadership from the drug dealing loyalists of the UDA."

Republicans and Socialists must make genuine efforts to win over all sections of the working class to a socialist agenda without at the same time capitulating to either loyalism or nationalism. Loyalism is a reactionary ideology and has to be politically destroyed. Nationalism while it has progressive elements within it nevertheless remains a barrier and a stumbling block to creating socialism.

With the coming of the peace process and the changing political and economic situation in Ireland and indeed world wide those of us on the Left have had to take a good hard look at our own policies.

Locally, nationally and internationally there are every day clear manifestations of class struggle. For example the Anti-Globalisation movement is in reality an anti-capitalist movement.

However, no longer can the left arrogantly assert to itself the role of "leadership". We have to recognise that class-consciousness comes from struggle not textbooks. In those struggles themselves the left could be the proponents of the extension of democratic principles to all aspects of struggle whether economic, political social or cultural.

If socialism is to be the liberating experience it should be then the left has to move from positions of elitism and leadership driven initiatives to fully embracing democracy.

We all must re-examine what we mean by the terms we use. What is our vision of the "Republic" what is "Socialism" and what is "Democracy"?

Modern day Republicans have to learn to adapt to changing times. We Republicans must now clearly analyse what the current political situation North and South means. This means taking account of the validity and effectiveness of all methods of struggle including the use of arms, at this time. It means reassessing our ideology in the light of the new situation and re-affirming our commitment to changing this society.

We should become the forefront of resistance to all attacks on the working class. Only by our relevance to the lives and thoughts of our class can any movement flourish.

James Connolly, once said,

"-it also our duty to put our ideas, policies and beliefs under the microscope and re-examine what we stand for and see if we are doing things the correct way."

That quote from Ireland's greatest socialist, sums up the approach of the Republican Socialist Movement to the politics of modern day Ireland. That is what both the IRSP and the INLA have been doing. Self-criticism is the life blood of any movement. This is what this Ard-Feis should be about. It is the opportunity for the membership to set the path for the future, to renew the leadership with fresh blood and to affirm our basic principles.

A healthy democratic radical and socialist movement is the best vehicle for the liberation of the working class. I t is now time to build a working class movement in Ireland that is class conscious socialist republican and prepared to take on all the vested interests of Capitalism.